The time period ranging from the night construction machines entered Gezi Park on the 27th of May 2013 to the vacating of the park on the eve of the 15th of June marks a turning point in Turkey’s history. The Gezi Park Protests were a movement of note for having brought together different generations as well as political organizations that do not easily mix. This was a movement that involved the spontaneous, civil and political mobilization, without any party affiliation, of diverse crowds claiming to be struggling for their dignity against a government they saw as becoming gradually more authoritarian. It was centered, among other things, on an urban sensibility regarding the use and transformation of public space, and the protection of architectural heritage.
Gezi Park. May 30, 2013. Photograph by Nazım Serhat Fırat.
The process leading up to the revolt may be summarized as such: On the 11th of May, 52 people lost their lives in a bomb attack in Reyhanlı, located on the Syrian border. Violent police intervention turned Taksim into a battlefield on the 1st of May and Beşiktaş on the day of the league’s last football game. Streets were bathed in tear gas at every smallest sign of a demonstration. Filmmakers protesting the transformation of the Historic Emek Movie Theater into a shopping mall were dragged to the ground. The third Bosphorus bridge that would entirely decimate Istanbul’s forests was given the name ‘Yavuz Sultan Selim’, a figure renowned for Alevi massacres. Legislation restricting the sale of alcoholic beverages was approved by Parliament. Turkish Airlines (THY) workers started a strike under heavy police blockade. In the wake of the constitutional referendum issues ranging from discussions of an abortion ban to radical changes to the educational system, from lawsuits that wound the conscience to imprisoned journalists and students, from attempts to construct electric dams on every single stream across Turkey met with great resistance to the uniformity created in the media, from obstacles placed before union organizing to the insecurity born of flexible working conditions and the sub-contracting system gave everyone a reason for taking to the streets.
The state of increasing oppression manifested itself in the insistence on large urban projects as well. The project for the rebuilding of the Artillery Barracks (Topçu Kışlası) in Gezi Park, hence opening it to construction, was submitted directly to the Ministry of Cultural Affairs upon Prime Minister Erdoğan’s personal orders, effectively by-passing the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Council. The Istanbul No.2 Regional Board for the Protection of Cultural and Natural Assets unanimously rejected the project, deeming the reconstruction of the barracks inappropriate on grounds that “Gezi was witness to history”. The Prime Minister ignored the board’s decision, saying “those who reject will be rejected”. The project was hence taken to the High Commission for the Protection of Cultural and Natural Assets in Ankara, which overturned the decision of the regional board and, following the Prime Minister’s orders, gave its approval to the Artillery Barracks.
Initially wary of public reaction, the local enforcers of government power, with the then-Mayor of Istanbul Kadir Topbaş in particular, began announcing that the Artillery Barracks would be a center of culture and arts. Yet the Prime Minister denied this as well, and come the end of April 2013 stated the following: “What had we said then? We said, ‘it will be built’, and look now it is. This, of course, will not serve as military barracks; but perhaps a shopping mall or a residential complex.” When bulldozers entered Gezi Park towards the end of May and attempted to uproot trees it became even more apparent that the Prime Minister was determined to carry on even though legal processes were yet ongoing.
At 10.00 pm Monday night on the 27th of May construction machines entered Gezi Park from the Divan Hotel side, uprooting five trees. People who hence gathered, succeeded in halting the demolition, and decided to stay and keep watch overnight. The demolition team returned the next day around noon. The police launched its first tear gas attack, and this was when the photograph of “the woman/lady in red” was taken, causing widespread indignation. Member of Parliament from the BDP (Peace and Democracy Party) Sırrı Süreyya Önder stood in front of the construction machines and asked to see a permit, upon which the demolition was halted once more. Unions, chambers and MPs came on solidarity visits. Prime Minister Erdoğan spoke about Gezi in the foundation-laying ceremony for the third bridge held on Wednesday, May 29th, saying: “No matter what you do, our decision is final.” Protestors’ tents were set up once again in the park; seedlings were planted in place of the uprooted trees. At 05.00 am the next day immediately after the morning call to prayer, the police attacked those sleeping here using tear gas. Municipal guards set protestors’ tents on fire, and three more trees were taken down. Upon these developments, tens of thousands of people flocked to Gezi Park in the evening, turning the park into a site of festivities.
This, however, was followed by an even more intense attack at 05.00 am on the morning of Friday, May 31st, despite the crowd of over 3 thousand people present, and the park was brought under full police occupation. At 01.00 pm the police brutally assaulted a large group staging a sit-in watching the Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions of Turkey (DİSK) make a press statement in Taksim Square. As this senseless police violence escalated in Taksim and the streets surrounding İstiklal Avenue, the number of those gathering in the area kept multiplying. The Istanbul 6th Administrative Court ruled to stay the execution of the Artillery Barracks project. Since what was in question was a downright unjust “attack”, the more police brutality intensified and mainstream media turned a blind eye to this mass oppression, the greater the public reaction. All of Istanbul’s districts, including Kadıköy where inhabitants’ right to transportation was obstructed, rose up and marched to Taksim, which now resembled a battlefield completely submerged under a cloud of tear gas. While the sound of banging pots and pans began rising from homes in certain neighbourhoods of Istanbul, all soccer fan groups united in response to Çarşı’s (the fan group of the Beşiktaş team) call, and 2 million tweets were posted under the hashtag #direngeziparki (i.e. “resist Gezi Park”).
On Saturday, June 1st, clashes in the vicinity of Taksim continued nonstop as tens of thousands resisted until the morning under heavy tear gas in İstiklal, Tarlabaşı, Harbiye and Gümüşsuyu. The police, which continued its offensive in the square after protesters managed to enter Gezi Park, abandoned Taksim towards the evening, leaving behind their vehicles and equipment. While the tens of thousands out on the streets looked to celebrate the stateless days of Gezi Park, Taksim and İstiklal Avenue, police attacks in Beşiktaş reached unprecedented dimensions.
As efforts towards organizing, coordination, establishing a kitchen, infirmary, and settling were ongoing in Gezi, reports of clashes kept coming from Beşiktaş and various other neighbourhoods in Istanbul, as well as many cities across Turkey. The Bezm-i Âlem Mosque in Dolmabahçe became a de facto infirmary. In Ümraniye, Mehmet Ayvalıtaş lost his life having been hit by a taxi cab that drove into the crowd. Targeted rubber bullets began taking people’s eyes out. In Eskişehir, Ali İsmail Korkmaz was ambushed and clubbed by a group of police officers and civilians. CNN Turk’s choice to air penguin documentaries at the height of clashes became a manifestation of the state of the media in Turkey.
Confrontations with the police continued on Monday, June 3rd, in Beşiktaş, while the struggle in Ankara intensified and hundreds were arrested. In İzmir, civilian-looking types wielding nail-studded clubs joined the ranks of police officers. In Hatay’s Armutlu district, 22-year-old Abdullah Cömert lost his life as a result of a blow he received during a police attack. Remarking on the difficulty of “keeping his 50% at home”, Erdoğan embarked on a four-day visit to North Africa. The number of protestors in front of the NTV building reached thousands. The following day saw an increase in clashes in Beşiktaş and the Gazi neighbourhood, as well as Ankara, Dersim and İzmir.
On Wednesday, the 5th of June, the Confederation of Public Workers’ Unions (KESK), DİSK, the Turkish Medical Association (TTB) and the Union of Chambers of Turkish Engineers and Architects (TMMOB) declared a one-day strike; and people took to the streets across the country. While those on strike were attacked in Ankara, protestors were nearly lynched in Rize. In Adana, police captain Mustafa Sarı fell while chasing protestors and lost his life. The Taksim Solidarity Platform, composed of neighbourhood associations, unions, professional chambers and political parties, actively involved since the beginning of the protests and advocating for the community to have a say in the fate of the area ever since the Taksim Square Pedestrianization Project was approved by the High Commission for the Protection of Cultural and Natural Assets in 2012, conveyed its demands to Bülent Arınç:
- Gezi must remain a park.
- All those responsible, particularly the Governors and Police Chiefs of Istanbul, Ankara and Hatay must be removed from duty.
- The use of tear gas and similar substances must be banned.
- All of those detained must be released immediately.
- All bans on meetings, demonstrations and protests in public squares across Turkey must be lifted and the imposition of de facto restrictions prevented.
On Friday, June 7th, Erdoğan held what he called “the interest rate lobby” responsible for the incidents taking place. A vegetable garden was set up in Gezi. Anti-Capitalist Muslims prayed the Juma (Friday prayer) in the park. On Saturday, June 8th Taksim Square experienced one of its most crowded days upon the call of Beşiktaş, Fenerbahçe and Galatasaray fan groups. The park’s newspaper Gezi Postası started coming out, and Gezi Radio began broadcasting. On the 10th of June, it was confirmed that 26-year-old Ethem Sarısülük had been wounded by a police bullet in Ankara. Yeni Şafak (“New Dawn”) newspaper targeted Mehmet Ali Alabora in a harsh defamation campaign against his play “Mi Minor”.
The police entered Taksim Square in a cloud of tear gas early in the morning of Tuesday June 11th, clearing out the barricades. The Atatürk Cultural Center (AKM) and monument in Taksim were cleared of all banners and flags Erdoğan had deemed “pieces of rags”, and two gigantic Turkish flags, as well as a picture of Atatürk, were hung on the Cultural Center instead. Despite Governor Mutlu’s assurances to the contrary, the police entered Gezi Park deploying tear gas. 75 lawyers gathered in protest of these developments in the Çağlayan Courthouse were taken under police custody. The next day, global channels such as CNN and the BBC devoted hours of broadcasting to Gezi Park.
On Thursday, June 13th, the European Parliament ratified a resolution on Gezi Park, warning the AKP government. Upon the Governor’s threatening words urging families to “take their children home” since he could not “guarantee their safety”, mothers came to Gezi and formed a human chain in solidarity with demonstrators here. On Friday, June 14th as Governor of Istanbul Hüseyin Avni Mutlu was in a meeting he announced over Twitter with certain young participants of the Gezi protests, Erdoğan met with the Taksim Solidarity Platform. It later turned out that he had left the table flaring up at DİSK General Secretary Arzu Çerkezoğlu, whom he would call an “extremist unionist”. The BBC suspended its partnership with NTV due to the broadcasting approach it adopted during the Gezi Park Protests. Ethem Sarısülük, whose brain death had occurred two days earlier, lost his life.
On Saturday, June 15th, Erdoğan said the following in the first of the “Respect for the National Will” rallies held in Sincan, Ankara: “We have a rally in Istanbul tomorrow. Either Taksim Square is empty by then, or our security forces will know how to clear it out.” Taking Erdoğan’s words to mean that there would be no police intervention over the following 24 hours, all sorts of people – the young and the elderly, men and women – continued flooding the park. Briefing its constituents and the public at large on the content of its meeting with Erdoğan, the Taksim Solidarity Platform began awaiting the consensus to be reached in park forums. Just as an agreement on moving forward with a single solidarity tent was about to be reached, the police began its attack at 20.50 in the midst of a busy Saturday night, following warning announcements made from in front of the Atatürk Cultural Center. Advancing tossing tear gas canisters to and fro, the police pushed the crowd back towards Harbiye, smashing apart everything and anything that crossed their paths. Infirmaries and indoor spaces – especially the Divan Hotel whose doors had been open to those injured since the very first day – were gassed. Doctors were handcuffed and arrested. The gendarmerie too took part in the intervention.
On Sunday, the 16th of June, riots and resistance continued around Taksim, in Nişantaşı and Beşiktaş, and in other parts of Istanbul. As crowds kept trying to gather and as the methods and composition of tear gas employed by the police kept becoming harsher, AKP’s second Istanbul rally was held in Kazlıçeşme. According to the toll announced by the Turkish Medical Association, 5 people had lost their lives, 7822 had reported to infirmaries and hospitals with injuries – 59 of which were critical, 63 were critically injured, 106 suffered head trauma, 11 lost an eye and 1 person had to have their spleen removed.
Taksim Square. May 31, 2013. Photograph by Nazım Serhat Fırat.
A variety of political organizations and individuals voiced their demands for days in Gezi. The diversity of the range of participants was notable: socialists, anarchists, environmentalists, students, feminists, LGBTI+s, Kurds, Alevis, Anti-capitalist Muslims, Armenians, football fans, workers, union members, ulusalcı neo-nationalists, Kemalists… The neoliberal and neoconservative policies implemented by AKP governments had negatively impacted many, and the Gezi Uprising became how large segments of society voiced this discontent. It was not, in fact, at all expected for the Gezi Park protests taking place in a city such as Istanbul, home to some kind of demonstration on a daily basis, to turn into a mass movement of this sort on a nationwide scale.
Perhaps the most important aspect of Gezi was that it brought together groups that would normally never mix: Kurds and neo-nationalists with their Turkish flags, football fans with their sexist and homophobic swearing and feminists and LGBTI+s – it is possible to say that the visibility of organized leftist groups disturbed individuals, but different groups and individuals were still side by side in Gezi as part of an “emergency alliance”. They existed together in a space without State, continually negotiating, debating and supporting each other. Drawing on the collective memory and popular culture repertoire of youth born in the 90s, the movement came to showcase both the determining role played by social media in societal events, rendered more widespread with the use of smartphones, and the anonymization of humour through graffiti, performances and witty online jokes as the principal mode of expressing any criticism of power…
Following the Gezi Uprising, Beyoğlu slowly returned to its days of tear gas and even rubber bullets. In the meanwhile, park forums were held in many of Istanbul’s neighbourhoods and in towns across Turkey. With its anti-militarist and anti-authoritarian character, Gezi instigated a rethinking of notions such as the commons, public sphere and democracy.
The magnitude of the revolt continued alarming the government, and both the park and Taksim Square were closed off to the public on the anniversaries of the Gezi protests and on every 1st of May. Insisting on regarding Gezi as a conspiracy against his person, Erdoğan did not forget to mention constructing the Artillery Barracks even in a speech he made the day after the 15th of July coup attempt in 2016. One result of Gezi was that people began showing greater care for the park and trees elsewhere. The fact that the city was turning into a concrete desert, causing severe weather phenomena, created public awareness for the protection of parks and trees. The Municipality was, for instance, forced to emphasize that it was to “transfer” trees rather than cut them down for the construction of a tunnel crossing under Maçka Park. A website titled geziparkimiz.net was launched in order to keep the record of the trees in Gezi.
The demolition of the Artillery Barracks was of course, in its day, a symbol of the start of a new era and its values. Its reconstruction too carries meanings beyond simply the restoration of a cultural asset. It serves as an indication of the quarrel with the Republican era. The Taksim Barracks may be considered an interesting example of late Ottoman architecture, but it is neither a structure representative of the Ottoman civilization nor one symbolic of the city or a certain period nor does it occupy a significant place in urban memory. In tearing down buildings that do hold such significance in terms of memory as in the case of the Emek Movie Theater, while on the other hand attempting to reconstruct barracks that do not, the AKP makes clear that its priority is not to preserve memory, but achieve political and economic gain.